Young feminists of Turkey: 'The AKP chooses not to keep women alive'
Femicides and violence against women in Turkey are issues that gain attention following widely-reported incidents, only to fade back into the collective consciousness once the immediate outcry subsides. Most recently, the murders of İkbal Uzuner and Ayşenur Halil in Istanbul’s Fatih district thrust femicides to the forefront of public discourse.
We Will Stop Femicides Platform said this October they observed the highest number of femicides on their records. 48 women were killed by femicide, and another 23 died under suspicious circumstances during the one-month period. Superlatives are not needed, though, considering the platform recorded 352 women murdered in 2024 so far, which means every day of this year, a woman has been killed.
One of the aspects of İkbal and Ayşenur’s murders that separated them from others was that both women were only 19 years old. Founded by young women for young women, the Genç Feministler Federasyonu (Young Feminists’ Federation) was part of the organization of nationwide protests that took place following the double femicides. Thousands of new members joined the Genç Feministler Federasyonu after the protests – Representative Güneş Fadime Akşahin told Turkey recap.
“We see that the AKP administration chooses not to keep women alive, not to protect them,” Akşahin says, adding that the AKP’s 22-years-long system of a family-oriented population has failed, and that the mere execution of pre-existing laws could have prevented many femicides.
Dubbing herself “one of the most hopeful people you could meet,” Akşahin told us about the federation’s origin story, the difficulties that stem from merely being a young woman in Turkey, and how women can keep their hopes up in a country where “the vitality of [fighting violence against women] is revealed time and time again.”
How would you describe the purpose of the Young Feminists Federation? Can you explain your relationship with the We Will Stop Femicide Platform?
After the 2023 general elections, following the rise of misogyny in the country alongside the political establishment, we thought – young feminists have more responsibility now. We must intensify our fight for women, children, LGBTQ+ individuals and young women. We also decided that we must take more action as rhetoric-makers within the feminist movement.
We are the youth wing of the We Will Stop Femicide Platform. We are an affiliated organization, and we act in solidarity with them. Ideologically, we have no disagreement. However, as young feminists in university and high school, we produce our politics and policies to address the issues faced by women and girls in university and high school. That said, all members of the Young Feminists Federation are also members of the We Will Stop Femicide Platform.
There are many other forms of inequality in Turkey beyond the inequalities faced by women: Inequalities faced by LGBTQ+ individuals, young people, oppressed nations, marginalized identities, and class-based inequalities. Of course, we work with women from many different identities and viewpoints within our organization. But on top of that, we say to other oppressed nations or social groups, "You will never walk alone," and continue our fight alongside them. In this way, our position is that "we stand against all forms of inequality."
What issues do you think young women in Turkey face that other age groups do not?
Being young in our country comes with its own set of inequalities. For example, there are situations where someone who is simply older than you tries to exert power over you.
In addition to this, young women face several specific challenges. In family relationships, young women often find themselves in a particular position where we are forced to live under the control and hegemony of our fathers – and our brothers if we have them. We are taught that we must live within the boundaries set by our fathers and live the lifestyle imposed by our family. Young women who are at the start of their lives and are trying to build a life for themselves then find that the dreams they have, their decisions, and their very lives are obstructed by the oppression of their families and the political administration.
When they suffer violence, young women can face difficulties seeking help from public institutions, as trust in these institutions has eroded in Turkey. But if young women are also intimidated by family members and hesitate to disclose their problems to their families, they can end up trapped in a cycle of violence. For example, we are currently observing an increase in the number of women killed by their fathers, which has resulted from the advancement of family-focused policies.
Has young women’s widespread use of technology exposed them to the crime of stalking, more so than other age groups? Can you go into some digital crimes young women are at risk of?
Of course, digital violence has increased since we live in the age of technology and young people use it widely. Unfortunately, in our country, there is a problem with digital violence. Digital violence is a crime, and when young women go to law enforcement and prosecutors about this, the necessary legal processes should be carried out and the perpetrators should be punished. But instead, we see this: If the perpetrator’s identity is not revealed on their social media, but instead it’s a hidden account, even though Turkey has the resources to find out who is behind it, they prefer not to find the person using the account. Or, say, different accounts continue to harass, persistently stalk and inflict digital violence on a young woman. But those who fail to address even physical violence often ignore crimes like stalking and digital violence, they don’t resolve them. So, the lives of young women are turned into a constant state of panic, constantly subjected to digital violence and persistent stalking.
Threats, insults and blackmail are unfortunately very common on social media and digital platforms, especially targeting young girls. When young girls cannot explain this situation to their families, they may end up having to do whatever they are told by the men insulting them, trapped in a vicious cycle. In fact, all the things I've described here are crimes that can be addressed under Law No. 6284.
When girls and young women experiencing these issues approach public institutions, they can benefit from the swiftest and most effective application of Law No. 6284. But since neither the lawmakers nor executors of the law actively explain or effectively implement the laws, those who fail to take action even about physical abuse can glance over these types of violence and avoid invoking Law No. 6284. Even in cases where it should be urgently invoked because the law covers the crimes in question... [Law enforcement] acts as if it doesn't cover them, but it does. That's why we tell women everywhere: When you are subjected to any type of violence, stand up to public institutions and say, "Law No. 6284 exists, you are obligated to protect me, you must implement this law."
We see that part of Generation Z feels that the AKP government's family-based policies do not actually align with their lifestyle. Do you observe a disconnect and what does that look like?
The AKP government’s perspective is based on a very singular family structure. It envisions a family where women and men exist in compliance with gender roles within the household and the family unit. They have at least three children, and the kids’ lifestyles and upbringing are aligned with a single interpretation of one religion, following gender roles within family relationships. The AKP government is trying to shape all societal conditions around this model and continues to impose this family structure on our generation, the younger generation. However, both through our observations of society and our research, as well as through our dialogue with our members, we see that the AKP's concept and narrative of family relations are not compatible with the lifestyle or worldview of the younger generation.
As the younger generation, we are passengers on the path to a more modern life, imagining a freer and more equal world. In this sense, we are making it clear that we will not be part of these family relationships as defined and interpreted by the AKP. While we are pursuing a different kind of future – one based on a more modern lifestyle – the AKP is still focused on uniform family structures. This, in our view, shows that the AKP has failed to create the models of family, society or youth it desires and that over their 22 years in power, they have failed to establish the family-based social system they envisioned.
We have observed how the government remains largely unresponsive in the face of major public outcry, as seen when Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention and recent femicide protests. What kind of move do you think the women’s movement could make to change the government’s stance? Do you ever feel hopeless?
I have never fallen into despair. In fact, I may be one of the most hopeful people you know. Because I trust this society, I trust the women and young feminists of this country. When you look to the past, we have always been the pioneers of change. There have also been some positive developments in our country. For example, we have had some successful court cases. Some of the AKP’s efforts to measure public reaction to their agendas ended in failure. For example, they were working on plans to dismantle and attack Law No. 6284. 6284 is our country’s domestic law that protects women from violence, and they were unsuccessful in their efforts to undermine it. Or they wanted to attack the Civil Code, but they couldn't succeed and backtracked. The same thing happened with the law regarding women's surnames. They wanted to add a law to the Constitution to enforce their uniform family model, but they were unsuccessful.
These failures actually resulted from the protest of the women's movement. In other words, we do have positive gains, but we still need to further repel [the government's] moves, better explain our own proposed solutions to the public, get society to embrace these and have more women join the fight. Moreover, we are currently at a point when the political administration is at its weakest, has lost the most power and has regressed the most across its years in power. That's why I think the path ahead of us is wide open.
In the past couple of months, we have witnessed Semih Çelik’s murders and the killing of Narin Güran, examples of the dangers girls and women face in Turkey. What is your advice to young women in Turkey to keep their hope alive?
Unfortunately, in the last one and a half months in Turkey, we have seen what can happen as a result of patriarchy and the government's policies. First, we searched for days for Narin, and then the news came that Narin had unfortunately been killed. We saw how much of a role her family played in her murder, and that family relations are not as sacred as the government claims. A family structure was revealed that could very likely subject young girls and women to a hellish life as bitter as poison.
On the other hand, our sisters İkbal Uzuner and Ayşenur Halil were killed by Semih Çelik on the same day. İkbal's murder was one of the most brutal femicides the Republic of Turkey has ever seen.
But I would like to say this – İkbal could actually have survived. Because İkbal had previously stated she was being systematically and persistently stalked by the same perpetrator, Semih Çelik, and she and her family had even reported this to the law enforcement authorities. The family had given testimony saying that Semih Çelik was stalking İkbal, but we see that law enforcement did nothing. They did not issue a protection order for İkbal, they did not issue a restraining order, they did not develop the necessary mechanisms to keep the perpetrator away from İkbal. As a result, İkbal was brutally murdered, and this is exactly what we have been trying to highlight: Those who experience persistent stalking could benefit from Law No. 6284. When İkbal could have been protected, she is unfortunately not alive today because law enforcement failed to fulfill their duty.
We see that the AKP administration chooses not to keep women alive, not to protect them – this is a matter of choice. Had they chosen to do so and implemented the solutions we proposed, İkbal, Ayşenur and Narin would still be alive today.
Just a few days ago, a six-year-old girl named Şirin was strangled to death in Feriköy Cemetery and buried there, in the heart of Istanbul. This once again shows that the AKP government does not protect children, that while pursuing family-oriented policies, it fails to recognize children’s needs and does not see the lives they lead within society. They say “have children,” but they do not track the lives of the children who are born – they do not offer them equal conditions. We are in a situation where the vitality of [fighting violence against women] is revealed time and time again.
But I want to tell young women to never give in to despair. After the murders of İkbal and Ayşenur, we, as the Young Feminists, expanded our struggle and gathered in the streets. We are here for women, we are here for children. After this event, thousands of new friends joined us, and I would like to say to all women, "Come, let's fight together."
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